A known difference between Negative Indefinites (NIs) such as English nobody, and Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) such as anybody is that only the former may occur as fragments (Giannakidou 2000; Merchant 2004). This holds regardless of the polarity of the wh-Q antecedent.

1. a. Who did Mary see?
   b. Nobody. / *Anybody.
   ‘There is nobody that she saw.’

2. a. Who didn’t Mary see?
   b. Nobody. / *Anybody.
   ‘There is nobody that she didn’t see’ = ‘She saw everyone.’

This work addresses fragments involving NIs (NI fragments), across a variety of antecedent types. For wh-question (wh-Q) antecedents, the interpretation of the response varies with the polarity of the question. The work addresses how these these interpretations arise and what they tell us about the structure of fragments, the composition of NIs, and the parallelism that holds between an elided TP and its antecedent?